The Death of the Dark Woman.
The Death of the Black Woman.
The Death of the Afrakan Woman.
Murder by Suicide.
Genocide and Eugenics.
No one Cries for the Death of the Dark Woman.
No one Listens to the horrors of the Black Woman.
No one Sees the tears of the Afrakan Woman.
No one recognizes our screams.
As the Ships Moor on her Banks
The Dark Woman is Sullen and Tired.
The Black Woman is Weary with Pain.
The Afrakan Woman Watches our Silence.
How shall we die? Suicide Deaths.
Due to War on the Body.
The Dark Woman's Body Ain't Yours.
The Black Woman's Body Ain't Yours.
The Afrakan Woman's Body Ain't Yours.
My Children Shall Never Be Yours.
My Ancestors Are our Own.
They declared war on our bodies and war on our children...
for centuries now and the fight carries on.
Where are our men? Where are our brothers? Where are the watching eyes of our deaths.
If I self immolate will you notice the catastrophe we all are in.
Even Thousands Miles Away... Our Death is Yours.
They War Against the Dark Woman. There's War Against the Black Woman. You War Against the Afrakan Woman. We Consume the Future of Our Children... with our complicity, silence, ignorance, or acquiescence.
Pick your sin.
The Genocide of Dark Women
The Genocide of Black Women.
The Genocide of Afrakan Women.
The Genocide of our Children.
The Genocide of our Future.
We Battle in Territory. We Battle in War. We Battle in Court.
Whose Jurisdiction Are We In?
Who's Battle Do We War?
Who threatens our rights of liberty and sovereignty beyond borders?
Don't Forget the Women?
Inquire about the Children.
Where are we going?
The Struggle Continues...
- National Association of Black Eugenics Scholars (NABES)
Our dignity will not permit us to be bought and sold like animals who have
no voice in their disposal. We protest with all our might that our people are
not given the legal freedom to speak openly and demand that those who will
be selected by the nation from her loyal sons should at least be made aware
of the real decision on settlement of their future during the Negotiations. It
is for no one but them, whatever the State may be, to settle the question of
its future, because the word is for the Nation alone, and she is the owner of
the right.
On May 15, 1924, 'Ubayd al-Hajj al-Amln, Hassan Sälih, Hassan Sharif, Sälih 'Abd al Qadir and 'All 'Abd al-Latlf, the founders of the nationalist association known as Jam'iyyat al-liwa' al-abyad, or The White Flag League, sent the Governor-General of the Sudan the following telegram, the first in a campaign that would last until November 1924. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24393096
The concept of bodily sovereignty—the right of individuals to govern their own bodies—is paramount in discussions of human rights and social justice. In conflict zones, particularly in Sudan, this sovereignty is violently undermined, especially for women. The war not only targets the physical bodies of women but also seeks to erase their autonomy and agency through systemic violence and exploitation. The conflict in Sudan has escalated into a humanitarian catastrophe, where over 5 million individuals face critical food insecurity, and the societal fabric is fraying under the weight of rampant human rights abuses. Women, as both victims and resilient actors within their communities, bear the brunt of these crises. Reports indicate alarming rates of sexual violence, forced marriages, and even suicides among survivors of these atrocities. This raises the question: what is the price of defending one’s bodily autonomy in a society rife with oppression?
The Struggle for Liberation
The ongoing violence against women in Sudan serves as a microcosm of a broader battle for human rights. As articulated by activists like Limiaa Ahmed, this is not merely a war against a nation but a direct assault on women’s bodies, their roles, and their futures. In the face of such overwhelming atrocities we have no option but to fight for liberty or to succumb to the oppressive forces at play. For many, the fight manifests in the courts, advocating for justice and accountability. For others, it may take the form of armed resistance. Both avenues are fraught with peril, as we find ourselves in the creation of legal knowledge of rights between life and death.
Global Citizenship and Responsibility
As global citizens, there is an ethical imperative to respond to these crises. The struggle against the violations of bodily sovereignty in Sudan calls for international solidarity and action. This extends beyond mere acknowledgment of the plight of women to tangible support for ceasefires, humanitarian aid, and systemic changes that ensure protection and justice. The call for a ceasefire, as echoed by United Nations officials and activists, is a crucial step toward restoring some semblance of order and safety. The UN Security Council's resolution 2736 (2024) represents a potential pathway to addressing the humanitarian crisis and restoring dignity to the people of Sudan, particularly women who are disproportionately affected by the ongoing violence. However, I present the case for internal legality where we create legal institutions within our own networks to deal with issues of international atrocities by which our tax dollars and acts participate in.
The Intersection of Life and Death
The horrific choice between life and death is evident in the context of this international crisis. Women are not only fighting for their lives but also grappling with the psychological and generational toll of living in a war zone. The surge in suicides among survivors reflects the trauma left by such massacre, exposing a desperate need for international organizing, intentional advocacy, financial support and trauma-informed care. In this context, the fight against the oppression of women in Sudan is emblematic of a larger revolution against the dehumanization of individuals in conflict here and worldwide.
The ethos of "liberty or death" resonates deeply, particularly when protections seem to falter. Women, as sovereign beings, are reclaiming their narratives, demanding recognition and respect for their rights by choice of death rather than rape or massacre.
The struggle against the war on women’s bodies in Sudan represents a critical front in the fight for human rights globally. As we bear witness to these violations, it is incumbent upon us to act for justice, support humanitarian efforts, and hold those responsible for atrocities accountable. Only through collective action and unwavering commitment to the principles of sovereignty, justice, and dignity can we hope to create a future where all individuals, especially the most vulnerable, can live free from fear and violence.
How is the United States Government Involved in Acts of War Against Afrakan Citizens Worldwide?
The involvement of U.S. gun funding and dispersal in Sudan exacerbates the already dire humanitarian crisis and fuels the ongoing violence, particularly against vulnerable populations such as women and children. As the conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces intensifies, the influx of advanced weaponry from external sources, including U.S. military aid, has contributed to a significant escalation in hostilities. This influx not only undermines efforts for peace but also empowers factions that perpetrate widespread human rights abuses, including sexual violence and forced displacement. The availability of these weapons has transformed the conflict landscape, enabling armed groups to commit atrocities with impunity. As calls for accountability grow louder, it is crucial to scrutinize the role of foreign military assistance in perpetuating cycles of violence and to advocate for policies that prioritize the protection of civilians and support for humanitarian initiatives rather than further arming warring factions.
The war on the sovereign body in Sudan has escalated, with a famine imminent and increasing human rights violations. Senior United Nations officials and a women's rights activist have urged the Security Council to pursue an immediate ceasefire in Sudan. Edem Wosornu, Director of Operations and Advocacy at the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, noted the humanitarian crisis in Sudan, with over 2 million individuals in 41 hunger hotspots at risk of catastrophic starvation. Martha Ama Akyaa Pobee, Assistant Secretary-General for Africa in the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations, expressed support for the adoption of Council resolution 2736 (2024) and the critical necessity for a ceasefire. As a global community, we must organize external actors utilize their influence to terminate the conflict and all conflicts regarding the influx of advanced weaponry. Mediation efforts have failed to achieve a truce, despite the commitment of both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces to the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect Civilians during his visit.
Limiaa Ahmed, Senior Programme Director of the Sudan Family Planning Association, emphasized the plight of women and girls during this conflict described as;
the battle as a war against women, who have sacrificed their lives and endured physical suffering due to the war.
Limiaa Ahmed group has provided more than 33 million sexual and reproductive health treatments through its 15 offices throughout Sudan in the past year, despite reports of the clinics being incinerated and plundered.
The delegate from Sudan stated that the Council's inaction is enabling "a distinctive terrorist model," denouncing the United Arab Emirates' backing of the militias and urging the United Arab Emirates not to intervene in his nation. Khartoum is prepared to promptly enact a ceasefire in El Fasher contingent upon the Rapid Support Force lifting the siege and retreating. He dismissed the assertion that his country is on the verge of famine, stating that grain production in Sudan is far from famine. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) envoy dismissed accusations of blame-shifting from the Sudanese Armed Forces, stating that their government has already addressed the issue. He emphasized the UAE's aid support to Sudan and rejected excuses and blame-shifting from the Sudanese Armed Forces. He questioned why the Sudanese Armed Forces did not participate in the Jeddah negotiations if they desire a resolution to the dispute.
The representative of Guyana, on behalf of Algeria, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone, observed that civilians, especially women, children, and the elderly, are disproportionately suffering due to this conflict. We must urge the UN to cease external parties from exacerbating the conflict, such as providing arms and ammunition, recruitment, financing, or other means, and to continue surveillance and documentation of human rights infringements and protection issues.
Mediation attempts have failed to achieve a truce, and she lamented the absence of any indication that significant negotiations conducted under the Jeddah platform will recommence in the near future. The Personal Envoy's mediation efforts with regional partners, expressed approval of the Cairo communiqué dated 12 June, and acknowledged Djibouti's proposal to host a retreat for international mediators and the African Union's initiative to initiate a preparatory process for convening a civilian political dialogue. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) has been discussing the humanitarian crisis in Sudan, with El Fasher at the epicenter. Over 14 months of conflict have led to a dire situation for people in Sudan, with over 5 million individuals facing critical levels of food insecurity. Bombing and shelling persist in densely populated regions, inflicting extensive damage on residents and significantly affecting the vital services they rely upon.
Since April 1, at least 130,000 individuals have been displaced, primarily migrating south inside Darfur and westward into Chad, where supplies and essential services are already severely limited or, in some instances, entirely absent.
The violence in El Fasher merely represents the surface of a more profound crisis, with reports from local women-led organizations indicating an increase in suicide rates among survivors and a decline in access to treatment for rape or gender-based violence. The Secretary-General’s annual report on children and armed conflict revealed a dramatic 480% increase in severe breaches against children in Sudan, rising from over 300 violations in 2022 to over 1,700 in 2023. Over the past six weeks, six aid workers, all Sudanese nationals, have been killed, increasing the overall number of humanitarian personnel fatalities to 24 since the onset of the war.
Famine is imminent, with over 5 million individuals confronting critical levels of food insecurity. Ninety percent of these individuals reside in conflict-affected regions of Darfur, Kordofan, Aj Jazirah, and Khartoum States. More than 2 million individuals in 41 hunger hotspots are at significant risk of descending into catastrophic famine in the forthcoming weeks. Approximately 7,000 new mothers may perish in the forthcoming months if they lack access to nutrition and healthcare services. In Sudan, women are succumbing to difficulties arising from pregnancy or childbirth. If farmers do not promptly obtain the approved seeds required for the planting season, the food security situation would deteriorate significantly.
ِAccording to the United Nations, the Sudanese government has taken actions to support humanitarian operations, with 98% of travel permits filed by UN organizations since April 1. However, the humanitarian appeal is significantly underfunded, receiving only $441 million, which constitutes 16 percent of the total $2.7 billion needed. The ultimate request is for the cessation of this awful conflict, encouraging the Council and Member States to do all efforts to terminate the war. Lilia Ahmed, stated that she evacuated Sudan in 2023 because of the war, noting that the recent fighting had resulted in over 16,000 fatalities, displaced nearly 10 million individuals, and driven 18 million into severe food insecurity. Sudan currently represents one of the most horrific displacement crises globally and is on the verge of evolving into the largest hunger crisis in the world.
Sudanese women and girls, in particular, face heightened risks of sexual violence and exploitation during displacement, transit, temporary shelter, and at border crossings, alongside rising instances of forced marriage and inadequate access to sexual and reproductive health services in host countries. In territories governed by the Rapid Support Forces, women and girls have been kidnapped and subjected to "inhumane and degrading slave-like conditions."
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has enacted resolution 2736 (2024), nonetheless, the UNSC must identify effective ways to enable humanitarian operations and avert violations of international law. A physician in Khartoum, Sudan, aiding countless survivors of sexual violence, related the ordeal of a woman who was raped by several soldiers of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) who infiltrated her clinic. Her spouse expelled her and absconded with their children. The survivor was deserted on the streets and pursued an abortion, convinced it would enable the reunion of her children. The physician need psychological assistance to aid her acceptance of the condition. On April 15, 2023, conflict commenced in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), an independent military organization. The groups have utilized explosive munitions in civilian areas across Khartoum, indiscriminately targeting localities. The SAF, in particular, has employed aerial bombs in residential neighborhoods and against essential infrastructure, leading to the destruction of the capital.The RSF have fortified their position in the residential areas of Khartoum, appropriating homes, business establishments, and essential infrastructure, notably healthcare facilities. They have perpetrated egregious violations of international humanitarian law, encompassing widespread sexual and gender-based violence, unlawful detention and imprisonment of individuals, and theft. This article aims to document and advocate against the alarming conflict-related sexual violence in Khartoum and its neighboring cities, Bahri and Omdurman, along with other relevant facts since the onset of the conflict, as reported by service providers to the survivors of such assaults.
We stand in solidarity with all persons in combat, whether physically, spiritually, emotionally, or otherwise.
The Struggle Continues...
Resources:
Suicidal Ideation in Sudanese Women
Robert D Goldney, Lillian Craig Harris, Alia Badri, Sara Michael, and Laura Fisher
Crisis199819:4,154-15
https://www.unhcr.org/us/news/stories/suicides-rise-among-south-sudanese-refugees-uganda
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2024/07/new-weapons-fuelling-the-sudan-conflict/
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/mar/14/haiti-gang-violence-us-guns-smuggling
https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/n24/170/02/pdf/n2417002.pdf
https://www.cfr.org/article/crisis-sudan-war-famine-and-failing-global-response
Vezzadini, Elena. “Nationalism by Telegrams: Political Writings and Anti-Colonial Resistance in Sudan, 1920–1924.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies 46, no. 1 (2013): 27–59. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24393096.
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